Table of Contents
Study
Areas:
Enslavement
Anti-Slavery
Free Persons of Color
Underground Railroad
The Violent Decade
US Colored Troops
Civil War
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Chapter
Seven
Rebellion
Tanner's
Alley
Even if the fugitive slave family
had still been in the same location, and even with the militia
company in attendance, the slave catchers probably would still
have had a tough time finding them; such was the labyrinthine
nature of this neighborhood. Their protectors had chosen the
hiding places well. No other location in Harrisburg offered the
same combination of interconnected buildings, blind alleys, and
closed mouth residents as the few square blocks that made up the
African American neighborhood that centered on Tanner's Alley.
Modern researchers refer to the entire neighborhood by that
street's name, because it was the social and cultural heart of
the neighborhood, but local observers at the time referred to
the area with more demeaning names. The editors of the Telegraph
dubbed it "Bassa Cove," after an earlier name for that portion
of Liberia used by the New York and Pennsylvania Colonization
Societies to resettle free black emigrants from the United
States. The original Bassa Cove on the west coast of Africa had
a reputation for being unhealthy and wild, with immature and
unsophisticated social structures in place to serve the
resettled American blacks. As a metaphorical namesake, Bassa
Cove was not meant to be flattering.
To Harrisburg's white citizenry, the residents of Tanner's Alley
and its environs were at best childlike and the subjects of
amusement, as in this item from the local newspaper the Morning
Herald:
Colored Ball - A
grand colored Ball is to take place at the Armory of the
National Guard on Tuesday next. Ebony in dimity will
circulate amazingly on the occasion.119
The
same newspaper struck a more somber tone as it reported on the
deteriorating condition of the original Wesley Union Church
structure in the Judy's Town neighborhood, which had been
abandoned by its congregation in 1839 in favor of a new building
in Tanner's Alley. Although the empty building had been put to
several different uses after its congregants moved out, the
newspaper hinted at neglect on the part of the town's African
American residents for its poor condition:
A Nuisance - The
old building standing at the corner of Mulberry and Third
streets, whose rooms in days gone by were vocal with the
religious enthusiasm of the "colored folks," is now fast
going into decay, and "darkly nodding to its fall." 120
In
fact, the entire portion of land directly east of the Capitol
presented a stark contrast to that magnificent structure. Many
of the buildings were low and mean, and often described by news
editors and other observers as being little more than shacks.
The structures crowded upon each other, thickly lining the
narrow and often muddy streets. It was a style of urban growth
that developed from the needs of its occupants, and not from any
sort of planning.
Harrisburg historian J. Howard Wert wrote extensively about this
notorious area, an area that included not only the Tanner's
Alley neighborhood, but also the surrounding multiracial
district, in the years before it was bulldozed to enlarge and
improve the state capitol grounds. He described a densely
settled neighborhood in which "the streets are generally narrow,
whilst some of them are crooked and others go wandering off at
all sorts of angles with no uniformity of plotting. In fact some
of them do not appear to have been laid out by an official
authority, but rather to have leaped into existence on the good
old plan of some one starting to build along a cow path or
lane."
Wert's
last observation on the lack of plotting may be very close to
the truth, as large numbers of African Americans were observed
to be living in this unofficial neighborhood as early as 1825,
when it was still outside of the borough limits. The impetus for
settling here as early as the 1820s, when a growing African
American neighborhood already existed at Third and Mulberry
Streets, may have been due to the convenience of the location.
It was close to the established African American boarding houses
in and around Strawberry Alley, and it was close to the
construction site for the new state Capitol and its associated
buildings, which offered not only jobs, but materials for the
construction of houses. As a result, rows and clusters of simple
houses began to spring up, literally along the cow paths and
lanes of the area, heedless of any plot of future avenues that
might have existed on town planning maps.
Wert's
comments on the actual housing that dominated these narrow
alleys are also helpful in understanding why this neighborhood
became a successful Underground Railroad destination:
In the early days
of Harrisburg building, some queer things were done. With
large expanses of open territory all around, it seemed to
have become the fixed idea of owners and contractors that
every inch of ground must be occupied. Not a foot of ground
must be wasted at the front, at the side, in the rear,
anywhere, in the foolishness of having a lawn, a flower bed
or a yard of any kind.
The notions as to the sacred preciousness of every inch of
ground and the impiety of using any of it for any purpose
but building on, ran riot, half a century ago, in every part
of Harrisburg; but in no locality was it carried out so
completely as in the old portion of the Eighth Ward.
As the streets, alleys and courts of this section generally
narrow and close together, the houses erected on the front
of a lot ran back till they met those that were built to
face the rearward alley.
Thus the houses of Walnut street are cheek by jowl with
those of Tanner, Short and Christie's court; those of South
alley with those of South street on the one side and State
street on the other; and so on through all the sandwich-like
juxtaposition of houses. 121
Years
later, yet long before J. Howard Wert wrote about it, the rude
housing that dominated this section of town was the subject of
local newspaper commentary. The editor of the Telegraph,
George Bergner, began to take regular pot shots at Tanner's
Alley, or as he dubbed it, Bassa Cove:
Private Alleys -
[In "Bassa Cove" exist]…a number of small private or blind
alleys which appear to have been laid out expressly for the
purpose of erecting small tenements, in order to bring to
the owners of the land the largest possible income. These
houses are, of course, from the cheapness of the rent,
intended to be occupied by a class of citizens, who, either
from negligence or inability, are generally less attentive
to cleanliness than is consistent with the general comfort
of the neighborhood in which they are situated, and probably
with the general health of our entire community.
Bergner
also observed the existence of "dance houses" in this
neighborhood, establishments that he associated with crime and
moral degradation:
Dance
Houses
Some of the
police force of our city must by this time be fully
cognizant of the fact that there exists in "Bassa Cove" at
least two of the meanest and most disreputable dance houses,
frequented not only by the lowest dregs of our colored
population, but by equally debased white men, yet so far as
our knowledge serves us, there has never been a decisive
effort to wipe them out of existence. At least nine out of
every ten police cases emanating from this section of the
city had their origin in these iniquitous dens, and while
the patrons of the establishments are generally punished to
the full extent of the law, no attention whatever is paid to
those who own them. We hope the police will still themselves
in this matter.
To
bolster his campaign against the offensive businesses, Bergner
was careful to report, often with sarcastic asides, on the
location of local disturbances of the peace:
A Disgraceful
Riot occurred on Saturday night last, between a party of
canal boatmen and colored men at a house of ill fame in that
classic region of our city known as "Bassa Cove." No arrests
were made.122
The
crime associated with this neighborhood was real—it could be a
very dangerous place for unwary strangers--and much of the blame
can be placed on the industry that helped drive its growth: the
canal. As J. Howard Wert wrote in 1912, "The men who followed
the tow path sixty years ago were not generally the men who
sought out a prayer meeting when they tied up for the night."
The canal docks were located directly east of Tanner's Alley and
its connecting avenues. Businesses of every type that would
appeal to these rough and tumble itinerant workers dotted these
streets, and the boatmen eagerly patronized them.
Also
in attendance at the bars, gambling dens and prostitution
houses, although usually only in the spring, were the river raft
men, an equally rowdy bunch. Despite their quarrelsome demeanor,
which frequently flared into public "riots" when they clashed
with local men, as reported above, the men who made their living
along the waterways of central Pennsylvania provided a
tremendous economic boost to Tanner's Alley and its environs.
They also made it an inhospitable place for strangers who were
there not to spend their coin, but to catch or kidnap local
residents.
Harrisburg's anti-slavery activists had experienced a decade of
growth and solidification of operations in the 1840s. Following
up on the idealistic 1830s, during which alliances between
Harrisburg's abolitionist-minded white and anti-slavery African
American communities were forged, the 1840s saw a steady stream
of nationally recognized anti-slavery speakers stopping by on
their circuit, culminating with the 1847 visit from publisher
William Lloyd Garrison and speaker Frederick Douglass.
Anti-slavery publications and newspapers became freely
available, and bazaars were held to raise funds to be sent to
larger anti-slavery organizations.
More
importantly, the network to aid and forward fugitive slaves who
arrived in town expanded from isolated efforts by either white
or black activists, to a more coordinated and racially bilateral
system. The forces of anti-abolitionism were far from
vanquished, however, and the violence that engulfed the
residents of Short Street in late September 1849 reflected the
beginnings of a pushback by those opposed to such efforts.
Retaliation by pro-southern and pro-slavery forces grew steadily
stronger during the next decade, as the slavery question
festered at every level of government. In many spots inside
Pennsylvania and along its southern border, tempers flared as
patience ended, often with shockingly violent results. The
social and political shock waves from the events of the 1850s
presented Harrisburg's African American residents with their
strongest challenge yet.
End
of Volume One
Previous | Next (Volume Two)
Notes
119. Harrisburg
Morning Herald, 9 October 1856.
120. Harrisburg
Morning Herald, 11 October 1856.
121. See
note 18, which describes the general public's view of the
designated "public grounds," which were set aside for state use
by John Harris, as truly public property. Gravel and sand for
building were freely excavated and taken by Harrisburg residents
from this public plot of land northwest of Fourth and Walnut
streets. Another reason early African American settlement began
here and not on the land that directly joined the Strawberry
Alley neighborhood was due to the nature of that adjoining land,
which was exceptionally marshy. Instead, African Americans
looking for nearby building sites around 1820 found them around
the odoriferous tan yards that then existed east of the public
ground. These tan yards, which were convinced to move further
away after the state legislators moved in, provided the name for
the street that took shape in their place. Egle, Notes and
Queries, 1st and 2nd ser., vol. 2, 72:392-393; 3rd ser.,
vol. 1, 45:367, Annual Volume 1897, 11:61. J. Howard Wert
described the physical boundaries of this area as "Fourth Street
to the P.R.R. between the lines of Walnut and North streets." He
also noted that this neighborhood did not become part of the
Borough of Harrisburg until 1838. Barton and Dorman, Harrisburg's
Old Eighth Ward, 22-24.
122. Harrisburg
Daily Telegraph, 30 July, 5, 8 October 1857.
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