|   Table
              of Contents Study
            Areas: Slavery Anti-Slavery Free
            Persons of Color Underground
            Railroad The
            Violent Decade  US
            Colored Troops Civil
            War  
     |   Chapter
            Eight Backlash, Violence and Fear:
 The Violent Decade (continued)
  The
            Book-Keeper ArrivesThe
              midstate quieted down somewhat and the African
              American community in Harrisburg relaxed after Solomon Snyder was
              finally convicted of kidnapping and sentenced to six years in prison.
              Many in the local black community had flocked to his initial hearing
              before Justice Henry Beader in February. The Keystone reported, “During
              the examination of Snyder, the magistrate’s office and vicinity
              of the prison were filled with spectators, and the joy of the colored
              population knew no bounds on beholding their inveterate enemy in
              the hands of the officers of the law.”  When
          he and his accomplice, David Jackson, were sentenced that April,107 there
          must have been an audible sigh of relief from the neighborhoods of
          Tanner’s Alley and Judy’s Town. The town had endured nearly
          five long years of racial strife associated with the Fugitive Slave
          Law, so residents probably hailed the resignation of Richard McAllister
          and the imprisonment of Solomon Snyder as hopeful signs of change.  There
          might even have been some disappointment that the Fugitive Slave Law
          was not turning out to be the solution to the slavery issue, but at
          least the borough was not experiencing the kind of slavery-related
          violence that was tearing apart the Kansas Territory. Congress, in
          May 1854, had passed the Kansas-Nebraska Act, allowing for the residents
          of the respective territories to decide, by popular sovereignty, whether
          to allow slavery in their territories. Nebraska was not considered
          at risk of choosing slavery, but Kansas, which experienced an influx
          of activists for both sides of the issue, became a battleground.  Violence
          flared frequently as pro-slavery settlers poured across the Missouri
          border into Kansas to swell the popular vote in favor of allowing slavery,
          while anti-slavery eastern men, including many Pennsylvanians, made
          the journey west to add their numbers opposing slavery. It was not
          long before hostilities broke into open warfare between the two groups,
          and “Bleeding Kansas” became a surrogate battleground between
          the slave South and the free North.  Newspapers
          in Harrisburg, York, Carlisle, Lancaster, and Gettysburg reported regularly
          on the atrocities, killings, and revenge killings that began to mount
          in the territories. Although the strife seemed geographically remote,
          its reach would extend into central Pennsylvania, and it would indeed
          bring change, but not the type of hoped-for change that local residents
          anticipated with the passing of the Slave Commissioner and his henchmen.
          Something even more insidious was on its way.  But
          not all was gloom and doom. There were other major changes afoot, and
          some brought badly needed corrective action. By the end of 1855, Harrisburg’s
          Underground Railroad operation was ripe for change—it begged
          for change. The Judy’s Town operators were still in disarray
          and the old strategies were badly in need of an update. With McAllister’s
          Walnut Street office vacant, the constant, daily harassment by slave
          hunters who menaced Harrisburg blacks with the legal backing of local
          law enforcement officials was now only a bad memory, yet activists
          continued to operate with extreme timidity, as if a meaner and more
          vicious Slave Commissioner was just around the corner.  At
          the same time, the number of fugitives coming into the state, particularly
          from the border counties of Maryland, was increasing. Also increasing
          were the activities of slave catchers along the border. The need to
          reestablish Harrisburg as a hub for the converging routes from Lancaster,
          Carlisle, York, and Gettysburg was great, but doing so would require
          massive changes in the way freedom seekers were taken in, processed,
          and forwarded. The task required someone who was both innovative and
          daring.  That
          person arrived in town, probably during the waning weeks of the year,
          stepping off of a passenger coach onto the platform of the Pennsylvania
          Railroad station, squeezed between the east side of the tracks and
          the canal. He would have retrieved his bags and probably paused to
          survey the surrounding industrial corridor, bustling with commerce,
          before cautiously crossing the railroad tracks and Meadow Lane to walk
          the few blocks northwest to Tanner’s Alley, where he intended
          to set up shop.  The
          man who arrived on the train from Philadelphia in the winter of 1855-1856
          was the grandson of a liberated slave-turned-businessman, and the son
          of a hard-working tradesman and abolitionist. He came from a family
          of educators—his grandfather and cousin both taught poor African
          American children in Philadelphia—and this was the profession
          he intended to pursue in Harrisburg. Appropriately, he had been named
          for a great champion of African American education, who also happened
          to be a great family friend. He was well educated, highly literate
          and fit for the job. A few years earlier, he had run an ad in Frederick
          Douglass’ newspaper, North Star, in which he advertised his services
          as: 
        Book-Keeper, Accountant,
              and Confidential Letter Writer, would most respectfully inform
              his friends and the public in general, that he has for their accommodation,
              opened his office for the keeping of Books, casting accounts, writing
              letters upon business, &c. the drawing of Bonds, articles of
              agreement, Constitutions, bye-laws, reports, communications, &c. &c.,
              at No. 169, South Sixth Street, below Pine, where by his strict
              attention to business he hopes to secure their patronage, and merit
              their confidence and esteem. Terms Cash. Office hours from 9 A.M.
              to 9 P.M. Also Agent for the NORTH STAR, single copies of which
              can be obtained; and the sale of Lots in Lebanon Cemetery.108 This apparent
          workaholic and jack-of-all-trades was also socially well connected.
          At thirty-three years of age he could already boast of a ten-year association
          with the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows, and in 1850, the year he
          opened his office on South Sixth Street, he had been entrusted with
          the entire circulation of the North Star newspaper in Philadelphia.
          He was named for West Indian immigrant, moral reformer, abolitionist,
          and successful entrepreneur Joseph Cassey, who, in 1839 had joined
          with James Forten and Stephen Smith to create a scholarship for African
          American students at New York’s Oneida Institute. During that
          same year, at age seventeen, he began actively helping his brother,
          Charles Hicks Bustill, hide fugitive slaves around the city of Philadelphia.
          His entire family, in fact, was committed to the anti-slavery cause,
          and in the winter of 1855-1856, Joseph Cassey Bustill brought his family’s
          passion for activism and his own vision for a vital and reactivated
          Underground Railroad operation to Harrisburg.  It seems
          probable that Joseph C. Bustill’s appearance in Harrisburg at
          this time was much more than happenstance. As noted, he arrived in
          town after the local Slave Commissioner was ousted and his last lieutenant
          was safely removed to prison. The local network was sagging with age,
          and, perhaps, weariness. Old Father Jones was nearly sixty-five years
          old and Edward Bennett was over fifty years old. Church patriarchs
          George Galbraith and David Stevens, although still very vital, were
          over fifty years and nearly forty years old respectively. All these
          local persons had been actively hiding and caring for slaves for between
          twenty-five and forty years, and the numbers of runaways finding their
          way to Harrisburg lately was increasing with the passing of the McAllister
          operation.  The local
          white abolitionists were similarly aging and one of the chief white
          supporters, Alexander Graydon, had been gone for more than a decade.
          At the end of 1855 and beginning of 1856, there did not appear to be
          anyone actually directing local anti-slavery operations, nor was there
          even a single identifiable figure in town to whom local activists could
          turn for guidance. York had William Goodridge, Columbia had William
          Whipper, Lancaster and Gettysburg each had a functioning network, but
          Harrisburg appeared to be languishing.  In Philadelphia,
          as head of the newly revitalized Vigilance Committee, William Still
          looked with great concern at the Harrisburg situation. The capital
          was a major hub for several Underground Railroad routes: fugitives
          from Gettysburg, York, Lancaster, Carlisle, and Columbia all converged
          here. Harrisburg was too important to leave alone with the hope that
          someone would step up to the challenge. Clearly, there was a need for
          bold, strong leadership. Joseph Bustill did not arbitrarily leave a
          successful business in Philadelphia and move to Harrisburg at the end
          of 1855 looking for work as a schoolteacher. He was sent to take charge
          of things. Joseph Bustill was sent to make changes.   The
          Harrisburg Fugitive Aid Society One
              of his first tasks was to reorganize the local
              resistance. Harrisburg, like most towns in southern Pennsylvania,
              was still a very dangerous place for freedom seekers. The departure
              of McAllister had helped to calm the nerves of local activists,
              but there were still literally hundreds of unfriendly eyes watching
              the streets and bridges every day, alert for the telltale dress
              and behavior of a runaway fugitive from the south.  It was a
          combination of behavior and clothing that apparently had tipped off
          Colonel Joseph P. Hummel, back in 1850, that six of the eight African
          American men he watched crossing the Harrisburg Bridge into town were
          escaped slaves. Unless an alert stationmaster along the road to Harrisburg
          had made provisions for the fugitives to change clothing, chances are
          great that they were still wearing their distinctive slave clothing,
          which was usually distinguished by its drab, homemade appearance.  A runaway
          advertisement from this period lists typical “Negro clothing” in
          its appeal for the return of Baltimore slaves Basil White and Joshua
          Anderson. White escaped wearing “a blue monkey coat, coarse gray
          pants, a slouch hat and coarse boots.” Anderson was clothed in “a
          full suit of homemade gray clothes, with heavy coarse boots.”109 The
          terms “course,” “gray” and “homemade” are
          clues to the poor quality of clothing issued to slaves in the South
          during this period.  If Bustill
          hoped to gain an edge over those local persons who would report a suspected
          slave in town, he would have to make sure that sufficient clothing
          was kept on hand to give to incoming slaves. Medical care, food, and
          shelter were the other immediate concerns, and while all these necessities
          had been provided in the past by dedicated Harrisburg anti-slavery
          activists, the need to make sure all this aid was available when it
          was needed was a monumental task. Pledges for food donations had to
          be collected, cooks had to be lined up, hosts with a spare room had
          to be found, nurses, doctors, seamstresses, and guides had to be enlisted,
          and all had to be ready to work or supply goods at a moment’s
          notice. Just because someone had provided a room or a meal in the past
          was no guarantee that they would do so again.110 It
          took an organized, diplomatic, charismatic, and persuasive individual
          to make all this happen, and to do so consistently, time and again.
          This was Joseph Bustill’s role as he undertook the job of reorganizing
          Harrisburg’s Underground Railroad movement in 1856.  Back in Philadelphia,
          William Still kept careful records, and recorded all his correspondence
          with his far-flung lieutenants in the field. He must have felt great
          satisfaction when he read, in a March 1856 letter from Joseph Bustill
          at Harrisburg, that his agent in this principle Underground Railroad “depot” had
          lately “formed a Society here, called the Fugitive Aid Society.” Harrisburg
          had been without a local anti-slavery organization for quite some time.
          The pioneering “Harrisburg Anti-Slavery Society,” organized
          in 1836, did not last long, being quickly overshadowed by the Pennsylvania
          Anti-Slavery Society, which was organized in town the following year.
          Besides, the official role of the PAS was to lobby for political action
          opposing slavery, and not to provide support for fugitive slaves, although
          unofficially, some of the lecturers employed by the PAS may have played
          a role in organizing Underground Railroad networks in the areas they
          visited.  An association
          that provided active support for fugitive slaves, then, was a vital
          step toward making Harrisburg a more effective and dependable Underground
          Railroad hub. Bustill now had a social framework in place for dealing
          with the many needs of freedom seekers who were already heading his
          way.  It is important
          to note, though, that the Philadelphia native had important local help
          in getting the society organized. In his letter, Bustill specifically
          wrote, “We have formed a Society.” Although he did not
          name his chief partners in Harrisburg, one must certainly have been
          the veteran anti-slavery campaigner John F. Williams. Williams, along
          with his wife Hannah, had been the family that opened their North Ward
          home to Martin R. Delany in November 1849 when the activist and newspaper
          editor, who was touring Pennsylvania as an anti-slavery orator, was
          turned away from local hotels due to his color. Two years before that,
          Williams was one of the three local African American men that were
          appointed by the black community to invite Frederick Douglass and William
          Lloyd Garrison to Harrisburg. Williams was also acquainted with William
          Still, and visited him in Philadelphia in May 1856. He carried with
          him an important letter from Bustill in Harrisburg, detailing recent
          operations. In the letter to Still, Bustill refers to Williams as “our
          friend.”111  It is probable
          that Joseph Bustill, as a newly arrived bachelor schoolteacher in Harrisburg,
          spent a lot of time in the Williams Family household, which was located
          in the neighborhood of Tanners Alley. Living with John and his wife
          Hannah was Hannah’s younger sister, Sarah Humphreys. Sarah must
          have been impressed with this new frequent visitor to the household.
          Bustill was well educated, was entirely devoted to the abolitionist
          cause, and he exuded the heady air of mystery and conspiracy about
          him as he and her brother-in-law worked out plans to better smuggle
          fugitive slaves through the streets of Harrisburg.  For his part,
          Bustill was equally smitten with the pretty little sister of his host’s
          wife, and some time after his arrival in Harrisburg, the two began
          a courtship that would end in marriage.112 The
          romance that blossomed between Joseph Bustill and Sarah Humphreys,
          however, developed later. Initially, the Philadelphia businessman-turned-schoolteacher
          had his hands full in organizing Harrisburg’s resistance into
          a bold, new operation. He must have worked quickly, to be able to report
          on his successes in a few short months to William Still in Philadelphia.
          That was fortunate. Bustill’s new Harrisburg “depot” would
          be put to a huge test in the first few days of spring.    Previous |
            Next   Notes107.	Ibid.; Eggert, “Impact,” 566.  108. North
            Star, 25 January 1850; Anna Bustill Smith, “The Bustill
            Family,” Journal of Negro History 10, no. 4 (October
            1925): 639-640, 643; Winch, Philadelphia’s Black Elite,
            71.  109. Baltimore
            Sun, 6 January 1853. The term “monkey coat” probably
            refers to a “monkey jacket,” which was a very short,
            tight-fitting jacket typically worn by sailors.  110. William
          Still complained of the problems he incurred while trying to secure
          lodging in Philadelphia for pursued slaves at the last minute. Even
          supposedly dedicated advocates of anti-slavery resistance occasionally
          quailed at the possibility of being caught sheltering fugitive slaves.
          He related one memorable incident in which he experienced trouble finding
          shelter for six fugitives just received from Joseph Bustill in Harrisburg: “Being
          mindful of the great danger of the hour, there was felt to be more
          occasion just then for anxiety and watchfulness, than for cheering
          and hurrahing over the brave passengers. To provide for them in the
          usual manner, in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, could not
          be thought of. In this critical hour it devolved upon a member of the
          Committee, for the safety of all parties, to find new and separate
          places of accommodation, especially for the six known to be pursued.
          To be stored in other than private families would not answer. Three
          or four such were visited at once; after learning of the danger much
          sympathy was expressed, but one after another made excuses and refused.
          This was painful, for the parties had plenty of house room, were identified
          with the oppressed race, and on public meeting occasions made loud
          professions of devotion to the cause of the fugitive, &c. The memory
          of the hour and circumstances is still fresh.” Still, Underground
          Rail Road, 219.  111.	Ibid.  112. For the
          relationship between Sarah Humphreys and Hannah Williams, see the Freedman’s
          Bank Records, New York, NY Branch, account information for Caroline
          Mathews, no. 3993. Matthews is one of five daughters of Jacob and Phoebe
          Humphrey. In bank records dated January 25, 1872, Caroline listed her
          sisters as “Sarah wife [of] Jos. C. Bustill, living in Phila, & Evaline
          wife of Robt Barnitz in Harrisburg & Anna wife John F. Williams
          in Shasta, Wis. & Hannah wife of William Harris, Little York, Pa.” Although
          the names of Hannah and Anna seem to have been switched (possibly a
          recording error), the other details match census data. The 1850 census
          for the North Ward of Harrisburg shows Sarah Humphrey, age 24 (misspelled
          Humphy) and Eveline Humphrey, age 28 living in the household of John
          F. and Hannah Williams (Hannah was age 30). In addition, Caroline Mathews,
          in 1872, listed a son, David Leech, by her first husband. In 1860,
          David Leach, age seven, is enumerated in Harrisburg in the household
          of Joseph and Sarah Bustill, in Harrisburg’s Sixth Ward (Tanner’s
          Alley neighborhood). Registers of Signatures of Depositors in Branches
          of the Freedman's Savings and Trust Company, 1865-1874, Washington,
          D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Micropublication
          M816, Account 3993.
 
 
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